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- The Palgrave Handbook of Social Movements, Revolution, and Social Transformation
- Online Research Catalogues
- Fourth Industrial Revolution
- Social change
The Internet is the decisive technology of the Information Age, as the electrical engine was the vector of technological transformation of the Industrial Age. This global network of computer networks, largely based nowadays on platforms of wireless communication, provides ubiquitous capacity of multimodal, interactive communication in chosen time, transcending space. The Internet is not really a new technology: its ancestor, the Arpanet, was first deployed in Abbate But it was in the s when it was privatized and released from the control of the U.
The Palgrave Handbook of Social Movements, Revolution, and Social Transformation
Support for militarised dissidents in the Islamic world is both an ideological and a constitutional commitment. The ideology of the Islamic Revolution bolstered Islamist groups and set an example that power through force was possible. Western foreign policy towards Iran has consistently overlooked the power of the ideology born in the revolution. The totalitarian and divisive worldview legitimised by state leaders, which promotes repressive governance on religious lines and hostility to the West, has been a driving force of instability and violence for decades.
It has claimed lives not only in intractable conflicts in the region, such as in Syria, Yemen and Lebanon, where Hizbullah changed the face of the country, but also as far afield as Bulgaria and Argentina. This report is a first step to understanding the effect and influence of Shia Islamism since Ultimately, it will enable a more comprehensive approach to countering Islamist extremism—from both Sunni and Shia extremist groups that hijack a religion of billions for their own political and ideological ends.
But it goes beyond that. Understanding the importance of the Iranian Revolution is a key to wider stability and peace in the region. The report shows that rhetoric from the highest levels of the Iranian establishment has not changed since Western policymakers have been intent on identifying moderates they can work with. But the rhetoric analysed in this report is by no means empty.
I have said time and time again that to build a society on the basis of the principles of Islam is an ideological choice, not just a religious one. Islam in fact is an ideology, in which religion represents one aspect.
Time has proved that this was not merely revolutionary rhetoric. The Iranian government today and much of its policy, both internal and external, derive from the ideology of the Islamic Revolution. Understanding the broader ideology of the revolution is critical to understanding how and why Iran controls, and justifies its support for, a network of proxy militias across the Middle East.
It is also key in understanding major geopolitical shifts in the region and beyond. Forty years on from , this is still often misunderstood by Western policymakers. Going back to , there is also very little understanding of how the revolution began as an event that was supposed to end repression but wound up tightening it. Likewise, there is little awareness that originally the revolution was driven by an alliance between Islamists, communists and liberals but was soon co-opted by Khomeini and dominated by his ideology.
This worldview believed in Islamic governance, revolutionary Shiism and pan-Islamism as well as hostility to Western imperialism, the US and the existence of Israel. Many of the values that Khomeini upheld resonated across the Muslim world at a time when struggles and insurgencies took root. Before Khomeinism, Islamist movements had long disagreed on how to achieve an Islamic utopia.
While the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt pushed for grass-roots, bottom-up and gradualist revolution, the likes of Hizb ut-Tahrir and Jamaat-e Islami chose to engage with the intelligentsia to encourage top-down change. Until , neither group had realised the potential of the approach advocated by Khomeini and his supporters. Not only did the Iranian Revolution introduce a new path for social change in the Islamic world, but it was also evidence that Islamism was feasible in the modern world.
This new direction gave hope to Islamists across the globe and transformed Islamism from ideal to reality. Western policymakers have not only paid less attention to domestic developments in that regard.
When the Green Movement opposition protests had only just begun in , the US suggested opposition figure Mir-Hossein Mousavi held the same beliefs as Ahmadinejad; Obama suggested in Rouhani was a breath of fresh air. This report is the second in a series of publications on Shia extremism that the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change will release throughout The series begins by understanding the role of Iran in the context of Shia militancy across the region.
Future publications will study the ideological, structural and operational trends across Shia Islamist movements and groups, including those that are backed by Iran and those that are hostile to it. The Tony Blair Institute for Global Change is committed to tackling the ideologies behind extremism so that people can co-exist peacefully.
In , at least 84, people died because of this problem. Although there are marked differences in ideology and tactics, the extremism espoused by Sunni and Shia Islamist extremists has striking similarities. Both Sunni and Shia Islamists believe in imposing a narrow rendering of Islam as state law.
And Muslims, both Sunni and Shia, are the main victims of their terrorism. This report identifies the main themes of the ideology of the Islamic Revolution through qualitative and quantitative data analysis. A total of 70 speeches by seven Iranian leaders from across the political spectrum were analysed, spanning a time period from to These leaders are:. To gather the evidence base for this research, 70 speeches by Iranian leaders were coded and analysed.
The seven officials were chosen because they represent what the West perceives as a spectrum of figures from hardliner to moderate see figure 1. They also come from a wide range of positions, with officials in the government and the military. This was not an exercise in identifying moderates, but an analysis of the extent to which the ideology of the Islamic Revolution is evident in rhetoric of regime officials across a spectrum. All speeches were in Farsi and aimed at domestic and international audiences.
There is scope for more detailed and broader research to expand on these themes. For full details of the methodology, see appendix 1. For biographies of the seven Iranian leaders analysed, see appendix 2. This research identified seven key themes that make up the ideology of the Islamic Revolution.
The seven themes can be grouped into two overarching categories: justice and injustice. From this perspective, the oppressors are those who commit injustices against the Muslim people, who are depicted as the oppressed. Islam is painted as the solution to the oppression and as the way to bring justice to the oppressed Muslims. While these two broad branches of Islamism adhere to different theological interpretations, they share many ideological commonalities.
Forty years on from the revolution, Iranian leaders still talk about, and act on, these ideas. More importantly, over the past four decades, Tehran has worked tirelessly to export its Shia Islamist ideology regionally and globally.
Iran and its proxies are driving violence and instability across the Middle East and beyond. With the surge in armed Shia Islamist groups across the Middle East today, in particular in Syria and Iraq following the territorial defeat of ISIS, understanding the ideology that acts as the umbilical cord between Iran and these Shia extremists could not be more relevant.
Concern over Iranian intervention in the Middle East is a key driver of the realignment of interests in the region. The centrality of ideology in the Islamic Republic is clear from the outset. Pan-Islamist credentials are also championed in the constitution. This chapter explores the four themes that come under the broader category of justice: Islamic governance, velayat-e faqih guardianship of the Islamic jurist , pan-Islamism and revolutionary Shiism.
The core factor that unites all Islamists, both Iranian and non-Iranian, is the belief that Islam should govern the boundaries of all aspects of life—political, economic, social and cultural.
Islamists believe God sent Islam to be implemented, hence the creation of sharia Islamic law. Islamism regards all other forms of rule, including secular, monarchical and democratic, as idol worship.
This belief system is at the centre of the ideology of the Islamic Revolution, which deems Islamic governance the only legitimate form of rule and authority. Seventy per cent of his speeches idealised Islamic governance as the saviour for the Muslim world.
These include Rafsanjani, president of Iran from to , and Rouhani, president since The commitment to Islamic governance goes beyond lip service and encompasses every article of the Iranian constitution.
Opposition to secularism and liberalism stems from the belief that co-existence between the dar al-Islam land of Muslims and the dar al-Harb land of the disbelievers is impossible. In Islamic terms, this belief views the dar al-Islam in a permanent state of war, or jihad, with the dar al-Harb , and peace between Muslims and non-Muslims as unattainable. Western policymakers often view figures deemed moderate—like Rouhani—as potential pioneers to open up Iran and liberalise the constraints in Iranian politics and society.
The fundamental problem is that the West often invents moderates while ignoring the real ones. But in , Obama reached out to Rouhani on the basis that he was a moderate and a breath of fresh air.
Notwithstanding these nuances, when the West speaks of moderates in the regime, it often overlooks the fact that all figures in the establishment are committed to Islamism and are vehemently opposed to liberal, secular values.
This includes officials the West perceives as moderate, such as Zarif. The fact that he referred to secularism as a challenge on a par with extremism reveals his opposition to the separation of religion and state. Fifty per cent of speeches by Soleimani included references to Islamic governance. The attainment of an Islamic state was not only a success for them; it was also a significant victory for Islamists outside Iran.
The ayatollah had transformed a long-desired Islamist ideal into reality and proved that governance based on sharia was possible in the modern world. This galvanised Islamist movements across the Muslim world. While sectarianism in the region may have blurred the lines between Shia and Sunni fundamentalism, both movements share the goal of achieving Islamic governance.
It also provided the regime with legitimacy to punish those who failed to observe Islamic practice. Of course, we must confront the rebellious people. The system is fundamentally intolerant of those it considers disbelievers. This reportedly included students, journalists, environmental activists, workers and human-rights defenders. Under this Islamic state, power also became an exclusive function of the clergy, as only they are trained in Islamic jurisprudence.
The Islamist nature of the Iranian regime has empowered religiously conservative segments of the population to take the law into their own hands and enforce strict Islamic observance in society under what is known as promoting virtue and prohibiting vice.
The narrative Iranian leaders use to describe Islamic governance depicts it as just and promoting equality. All of the speeches analysed opened with a prayer in Arabic, something that was not a regular feature of Iranian political culture before The religious reference is used as a source of legitimacy for both the regime and individual leaders in the system. In the context of Iran and Shiism, it is the notion of velayat-e faqih guardianship of the Islamic jurist that makes Islamic governance possible.
The theory of velayat-e faqih is based on the belief that clerical guardianship of the state is required until the return of the Twelfth Shia Imam, who Shia Muslims believe was withdrawn into occultation in Soleimani did so in 70 per cent of cases, and Rouhani in 60 per cent. He added that the reason the Arab Spring in Egypt had failed to transform into an Islamic Revolution was because the Muslim Brotherhood lacked this kind of leadership.
This is particularly significant as the West has tended to view Rafsanjani—the forefather of Iranian reformism and a political heavyweight in Iran—as in tacit opposition to Khamenei, especially following the Green Movement riots.
This notion is often misunderstood by Western observers, who have an exaggerated perception of political competition in the regime. Aware of this, Iranian leaders like Rouhani and Zarif have played into the moderate-hardliner narrative as a means of gaining concessions from the West. Understandably, Khomeini and Khamenei make fewer references to velayat-e faqih in their speech samples, with the concept occurring in 30 per cent and 10 per cent of speeches respectively, because their authority speaks for itself.
Online Research Catalogues
Social change involves alteration of the social order of a society. It may include changes in social institutions , social behaviours or social relations. Social change may refer to the notion of social progress or sociocultural evolution , the philosophical idea that society moves forward by evolutionary means. It may refer to a paradigmatic change in the socio-economic structure, for instance the transition from feudalism to capitalism , or hypothetical future transition to some form of post-capitalism. Social Development refers to how people develop social and emotional skills across the lifespan, with particular attention to childhood and adolescence. Healthy social development allows us to form positive relationships with family, friends, teachers, and other people in our lives. Accordingly, it may also refer to social revolution , such as the Socialist revolution presented in Marxism , or to other social movements , such as Women's suffrage or the Civil rights movement.
Fourth Industrial Revolution
In political science , a revolution Latin : revolutio , "a turn around" is a fundamental and relatively sudden change in political power and political organization which occurs when the population revolts against the government, typically due to perceived oppression political, social, economic or political incompetence. Revolutions have occurred through human history and vary widely in terms of methods, duration and motivating ideology. Their results include major changes in culture, economy and socio - political institutions , usually in response to perceived overwhelming autocracy or plutocracy.
Revolutions are commonly understood as instances of fundamental socio-political transformation. In light of the marked heterogeneity of the ways in which thinkers such as Thomas Paine , J. Hegel , Mikhail Bakunin , Karl Marx , Hannah Arendt , and Michel Foucault reflect on the possibilities and conditions of radically transforming political and social structures, this article concentrates on a set of key questions confronted by all these theories of revolution.
The Russian Revolution of was one of the most explosive political events of the twentieth century. The violent revolution marked the end of the Romanov dynasty and centuries of Russian Imperial rule. During the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks, led by leftist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, seized power and destroyed the tradition of csarist rule. In , two revolutions swept through Russia, ending centuries of imperial rule and setting into motion political and social changes that would lead to the formation of the Soviet Union. While the two revolutionary events took place within a few short months, social unrest in Russia had been simmering for decades. In the early s, Russia was one of the most impoverished countries in Europe with an enormous peasantry and a growing minority of poor industrial workers. Much of Western Europe viewed Russia as an undeveloped, backwards society.
Support for militarised dissidents in the Islamic world is both an ideological and a constitutional commitment. The ideology of the Islamic Revolution bolstered Islamist groups and set an example that power through force was possible. Western foreign policy towards Iran has consistently overlooked the power of the ideology born in the revolution. The totalitarian and divisive worldview legitimised by state leaders, which promotes repressive governance on religious lines and hostility to the West, has been a driving force of instability and violence for decades. It has claimed lives not only in intractable conflicts in the region, such as in Syria, Yemen and Lebanon, where Hizbullah changed the face of the country, but also as far afield as Bulgaria and Argentina. This report is a first step to understanding the effect and influence of Shia Islamism since Ultimately, it will enable a more comprehensive approach to countering Islamist extremism—from both Sunni and Shia extremist groups that hijack a religion of billions for their own political and ideological ends.
A detailed retrospective of the Green Revolution, its achievement and limits in terms of agricultural productivity improvement, and its broader impact at social, environmental, and economic levels is provided. Core policy directions for Green Revolution 2. The developing world witnessed an extraordinary period of food crop productivity growth over the past 50 y, despite increasing land scarcity and rising land values. Dire predictions of a Malthusian famine were belied, and much of the developing world was able to overcome its chronic food deficits. Sub-Saharan Africa continues to be the exception to the global trend. Much of the success was caused by the combination of high rates of investment in crop research, infrastructure, and market development and appropriate policy support that took place during the first Green Revolution GR. I distinguish the first GR period as — and the post-GR period as the next two decades.
Revolution and state breakdown are the focus of this important new book that analyzes the most prominent theories of revolution and points to future direction.
During the decades of economic and social transformation, western Europe also experienced massive political change. The central event throughout much of the Continent was the French Revolution —99 and its aftermath. This was followed by a concerted effort at political reaction and a renewed series of revolutions from through Connections between political change and socioeconomic upheaval were real but complex. Economic grievances associated with early industrialization fed into later revolutions, particularly the outbursts in , but the newest social classes were not prime bearers of the revolutionary message.
We know that social movements can occur on the local, national, or even global stage. Are there other patterns or classifications that can help us understand them? Sociologist David Aberle addresses this question by developing categories that distinguish among social movements by considering 1 what it is the movement wants to change and 2 how much change they want. He described four types of social movements, including: alternative, redemptive, reformative, and revolutionary social movements. Figure 1.