Protestant Ethic And Spirit Of Capitalism Pdf

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Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is a study of the relationship between the ethics of ascetic Protestantism and the emergence of the spirit of modern capitalism. Weber argues that the religious ideas of groups such as the Calvinists played a role in creating the capitalistic spirit. Weber first observes a correlation between being Protestant and being involved in business, and declares his intent to explore religion as a potential cause of the modern economic conditions.

Max Weber, the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

Begun as a series of essays, the original German text was composed in and , and was translated into English for the first time by American sociologist Talcott Parsons in In the book, Weber wrote that capitalism in Northern Europe evolved when the Protestant particularly Calvinist ethic influenced large numbers of people to engage in work in the secular world, developing their own enterprises and engaging in trade and the accumulation of wealth for investment.

In other words, the Protestant work ethic was an important force behind the unplanned and uncoordinated emergence of modern capitalism. Although not a detailed study of Protestantism but rather an introduction to Weber's later studies of interaction between various religious ideas and economics The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism , The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism , and Ancient Judaism , The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism argues that Puritan ethics and ideas influenced the development of capitalism.

The 'spirit of capitalism' does not refer to the spirit in the metaphysical sense but rather a set of values, the spirit of hard work and progress. Religious devotion, Weber argues, is usually accompanied by a rejection of worldly affairs, including the pursuit of wealth and possessions.

To illustrate his theory, Weber quotes the ethical writings of Benjamin Franklin :. Remember, that time is money. He that can earn ten shillings a day by his labor, and goes abroad, or sits idle, one half of that day, though he spends but sixpence during his diversion or idleness, ought not to reckon that the only expense; he has really spent, or rather thrown away, five shillings besides.

Money can beget money, and its offspring can beget more, and so on. Five shillings turned is six, turned again is seven and threepence, and so on, till it becomes a hundred pounds.

The more there is of it, the more it produces every turning, so that the profits rise quicker and quicker. He that kills a breeding-sow, destroys all her offspring to the thousandth generation. He that murders a crown, destroys all that it might have produced, even scores of pounds. Weber notes that this is not a philosophy of mere greed, but a statement laden with moral language.

Indeed, Franklin claims that God revealed the usefulness of virtue to him. The Reformation profoundly affected the view of work, dignifying even the most mundane professions as adding to the common good and thus blessed by God, as much as any "sacred" calling German: Ruf. A common illustration is that of a cobbler, hunched over his work, who devotes his entire effort to the praise of God.

To emphasize the work ethic in Protestantism relative to Catholics, he notes a common problem that industrialists face when employing precapitalist laborers: Agricultural entrepreneurs will try to encourage time spent harvesting by offering a higher wage, with the expectation that laborers will see time spent working as more valuable and so engage it longer.

However, in precapitalist societies this often results in laborers spending less time harvesting. Laborers judge that they can earn the same, while spending less time working and having more leisure. He also notes that societies having more Protestants are those that have a more developed capitalist economy.

It is particularly advantageous in technical occupations for workers to be extremely devoted to their craft. To view the craft as an end in itself, or as a "calling" would serve this need well. This attitude is well-noted in certain classes which have endured religious education, especially of a Pietist background.

Weber points out that such a spirit is not limited to Western culture if one considers it as the attitude of individuals , but that such individuals — heroic entrepreneurs, as he calls them — could not by themselves establish a new economic order capitalism.

In order that a manner of life well adapted to the peculiarities of the capitalism… could come to dominate others, it had to originate somewhere, and not in isolated individuals alone, but as a way of life common to the whole groups of man.

After defining the "spirit of capitalism," Weber argues that there are many reasons to find its origins in the religious ideas of the Reformation. Weber shows that certain branches of Protestantism had supported worldly activities dedicated to economic gain, seeing them as endowed with moral and spiritual significance. This recognition was not a goal in itself; rather they were a byproduct of other doctrines of faith that encouraged planning, hard work and self-denial in the pursuit of worldly riches.

Weber traced the origins of the Protestant ethic to the Reformation , though he acknowledged some respect for secular everyday labor as early as the Middle Ages. However, the Reformation had effectively removed such assurances.

From a psychological viewpoint, the average person had difficulty adjusting to this new worldview, and only the most devout believers or "religious geniuses" within Protestantism, such as Martin Luther , were able to make this adjustment, according to Weber. In the absence of such assurances from religious authority, Weber argued that Protestants began to look for other "signs" that they were saved. Calvin and his followers taught a doctrine of double predestination , in which from the beginning God chose some people for salvation and others for damnation.

The inability to influence one's own salvation presented a very difficult problem for Calvin's followers. It became an absolute duty to believe that one was chosen for salvation, and to dispel any doubt about that: lack of self-confidence was evidence of insufficient faith and a sign of damnation.

So, self-confidence took the place of priestly assurance of God's grace. Worldly success became one measure of that self-confidence. Luther made an early endorsement of Europe's emerging divisions. Weber identifies the applicability of Luther's conclusions, noting that a "vocation" from God was no longer limited to the clergy or church, but applied to any occupation or trade.

Weber had always detested Lutheranism for the servility it inspired toward the bureaucratic state. When he discussed it in the Protestant Ethic , he used Lutheranism as the chief example of the unio mystica that contrasted sharply with the ascetic posture.

Later he would associate "Luther, the symbolic exponent of bureaucratic despotism , with the ascetic hostility to Eros — an example of Weber's sporadic tendency to link together bureaucratic and ascetic modes of life and to oppose both from mystical and aristocratic perspectives.

However, Weber saw the fulfillment of the Protestant ethic not in Lutheranism , which was too concerned with the reception of divine spirit in the soul, but in Calvinistic forms of Christianity. The manner in which this dilemma was resolved, Weber argued, was the investment of this money, which gave an extreme boost to nascent capitalism.

By the time Weber wrote his essay, he believed that the religious underpinnings of the Protestant ethic had largely gone from society. He cited the writings of Benjamin Franklin , which emphasized frugality, hard work and thrift, but were mostly free of spiritual content.

Weber also attributed the success of mass production partly to the Protestant ethic. Only after expensive luxuries were disdained could individuals accept the uniform products, such as clothes and furniture, that industrialization offered. In his conclusion to the book, Weber lamented that the loss of religious underpinning to capitalism's spirit has led to a kind of involuntary servitude to mechanized industry. The Puritan wanted to work in calling; we are forced to do so. For when asceticism was carried out of monastic cells into everyday life, and began to dominate worldly morality, it did its part in building the tremendous cosmos of the modern economic order.

This order is now bound to the technical and economic conditions of machine production which today determine the lives of all the individuals who are born into this mechanism, not only those directly concerned with economic acquisition, with irresistible force. Perhaps it will so determine them until the last ton of fossilized coal is burnt.

Page , Scribner's edition. Weber maintained that while Puritan religious ideas had significantly impacted the development of economic systems in Europe and United States, there were other factors in play, as well. They included a closer relationship between mathematics and observation , the enhanced value of scholarship, rational systematization of government administration, and an increase in entrepreneurship ventures.

In the end, the study of Protestant ethic, according to Weber, investigated a part of the detachment from magic , that disenchantment of the world that could be seen as a unique characteristic of Western culture. In the final endnotes Weber states that he abandoned research into Protestantism because his colleague Ernst Troeltsch , a professional theologian , had begun work on The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches and Sects.

Another reason for Weber's decision was that Troeltsch's work already achieved what he desired in that area, which is laying groundwork for comparative analysis of religion and society. Weber moved beyond Protestantism with his research but would continue research into sociology of religion within his later works the study of Judaism and the religions of China and India. This book is also Weber's first brush with the concept of rationalization. His idea of modern capitalism as growing out of the religious pursuit of wealth meant a change to a rational means of existence, wealth.

That is to say, at some point the Calvinist rationale informing the "spirit" of capitalism became unreliant on the underlying religious movement behind it, leaving only rational capitalism. In essence then, Weber's "Spirit of Capitalism" is effectively and more broadly a Spirit of Rationalization.

The essay can also be interpreted as one of Weber's criticism of Karl Marx and his theories. While Marx's historical materialism held that all human institutions — including religion — were based on economic foundations, many have seen The Protestant Ethic as turning this theory on its head by implying that a religious movement fostered capitalism, not the other way around.

Other scholars have taken a more nuanced view of Weber's argument. Weber states in the closing of this essay, "it is, of course, not my aim to substitute for a one-sided materialistic an equally one-sided spiritualistic causal interpretation of culture and history.

Each is equally possible, but each if it does not serve as the preparation, but as the conclusion of an investigation, accomplishes equally little in the interest of historical truth. Table of contents from the Scribner's edition, with section titles added by Talcott Parsons: Part 1. The Problem. Weber's causal claim that the Protestant ethic led to capitalism has been criticized for endogeneity problems and case selection problems.

The economist and historian Henryk Grossman criticises Weber's analysis on two fronts, firstly with reference to Marx 's extensive work which showed that the stringent legal measures taken against poverty and vagabondage was a reaction to the massive population shifts caused by factors such as the enclosure of the commons.

And, secondly, in Grossman's own work showing how this "bloody legislation" against those who had been put off their land was effected across Europe and especially in France. For Grossman this legislation, the outlawing of idleness and the poorhouses they instituted physically forced people from serfdom into wage-labor. For him, this general fact was not related to Protestantism and so capitalism came largely by force and not by any vocational training regarding an inner-worldliness of Protestantism.

In a paper published on 10 November , Harvard economist Davide Cantoni tested Weber's Protestant hypothesis using population and economic growth in second-millennium Germany as the data set, with negative results.

Cantoni writes:. Using population figures in a dataset comprising cities in the years —, I find no effects of Protestantism on economic growth. The finding is robust to the inclusion of a variety of controls, and does not appear to depend on data selection or small sample size.

In addition, Protestantism has no effect when interacted with other likely determinants of economic development. I also analyze the endogeneity of religious choice; instrumental variables estimates of the effects of Protestantism are similar to the OLS results.

However, Cantoni uses city size, and not relative real wage growth, which was the Weber thesis, as his "main dependent variable" Cantoni, 2.

Other recent scholarship continues to find valid Protestant Ethic effects both in historical and contemporary development patterns. Evidence of falling wages in Catholic cities and rising wages in Protestant cities between and , during the spread of literacy in the vernacular, is inconsistent with most theoretical models of economic growth. In The Protestant Ethic, Weber suggested an alternative explanation based on culture.

Here, a theoretical model confirms that a small change in the subjective cost of cooperating with strangers can generate a profound transformation in trading networks. In explaining urban growth in early-modern Europe, specifications compatible with human-capital versions of the neoclassical model and endogenous-growth theory are rejected in favor of a "small-world" formulation based on the Weber thesis.

Robertson, in his book Aspects of Economic Individualism , argued against the historical and religious claims of Weber. Robertson points out that capitalism began to flourish not in Britain, but in 14th century Italy, a decidedly different epoch. Since this is true, then the rise of capitalism cannot be attributed to Adam Smith , the Protestant Reformation, etc. In fact, Robertson goes further, and states that what happened in Britain was rather a retrogression from what was achieved in Italy centuries earlier.

Looking at the history of the development of economic thought, Robertson shows that Adam Smith and David Ricardo did not found economic science de novo. In fact, liberal economic theory was developed by French and Italian Catholics, who were influenced by the Scholastics. The British economic thought was rather a step backwards since it espoused the labor theory of value , which had already been proved incorrect by the School of Salamanca.

It has recently been suggested that Protestantism has indeed influenced positively the capitalist development of respective social systems not so much through the "Protestant ethics" but rather through the promotion of literacy.

The results were supported even under a concentric diffusion model of Protestantism using distance from Wittenberg as a model.

Max Weber, the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

Begun as a series of essays, the original German text was composed in and , and was translated into English for the first time by American sociologist Talcott Parsons in In the book, Weber wrote that capitalism in Northern Europe evolved when the Protestant particularly Calvinist ethic influenced large numbers of people to engage in work in the secular world, developing their own enterprises and engaging in trade and the accumulation of wealth for investment. In other words, the Protestant work ethic was an important force behind the unplanned and uncoordinated emergence of modern capitalism. Although not a detailed study of Protestantism but rather an introduction to Weber's later studies of interaction between various religious ideas and economics The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism , The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism , and Ancient Judaism , The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism argues that Puritan ethics and ideas influenced the development of capitalism. The 'spirit of capitalism' does not refer to the spirit in the metaphysical sense but rather a set of values, the spirit of hard work and progress. Religious devotion, Weber argues, is usually accompanied by a rejection of worldly affairs, including the pursuit of wealth and possessions.


Max. Weber. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Translated by Talcott Parsons. With an introduction by Anthony Giddens. London and New York​.


The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism

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В тексте названы Хиросима и Нагасаки, города, разрушенные атомными бомбами. Может быть, ключ связан с количеством человеческих жертв, оценочной суммой нанесенного ущерба в долларах… - Она замолчала, снова вчитываясь в текст.  - Слово разница особенно важно. Главная разница между Хиросимой и Нагасаки. По-видимому, Танкадо считал, что два эти события чем-то различались между. Выражение лица Фонтейна не изменилось.

Немного рано для алкогольных напитков, подумал Беккер, наклоняясь. Когда серебряный кубок оказался на уровне его глаз, возникло какое-то движение, и в полированной поверхности смутно отразилась приближающаяся фигура. Беккер заметил металлический блеск в тот самый миг, когда убийца поднимал пистолет, и, как спринтер, срывающийся с места при звуке стартового выстрела, рванулся. Насмерть перепуганный священник упал, чаша взлетела вверх, и красное вино разлилось по белому мрамору пола. Монахи и служки у алтаря бросились врассыпную, а Беккер тем временем перемахнул через ограждение. Глушитель кашлянул, Беккер плашмя упал на пол.

 Хорошенький! - крикнул еще один, сильно дернув его за галстук. - Хочешь со мной переспать? - Теперь на Беккера смотрела юная девица, похожая на персонаж фильма ужасов Рассвет мертвецов. Темнота коридора перетекла в просторное цементное помещение, пропитанное запахом пота и алкоголя, и Беккеру открылась абсолютно сюрреалистическая картина: в глубокой пещере двигались, слившись в сплошную массу, сотни человеческих тел. Они наклонялись и распрямлялись, прижав руки к бокам, а их головы при этом раскачивались, как безжизненные шары, едва прикрепленные к негнущимся спинам. Какие-то безумцы ныряли со сцены в это людское море, и его волны швыряли их вперед и назад, как волейбольные мячи на пляже. Откуда-то сверху падали пульсирующие стробоскопические вспышки света, придававшие всему этому сходство со старым немым кино.

The Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism.

Резервное питание подает слишком мало фреона. - Спасибо за подсказку, - сказал Стратмор.  - У ТРАНСТЕКСТА есть автоматический выключатель.

Бринкерхофф выдавил из себя нечто невразумительное. Мидж нажала несколько клавиш. - Я просматриваю регистратор лифта Стратмора.  - Мидж посмотрела в монитор и постучала костяшками пальцев по столу.

Вы близки к осуществлению своей заветной мечты - до этого остается всего несколько часов. Управлять всей информацией в мире. И ТРАНСТЕКСТ больше не нужен. Никаких ограничений - только свободная информация.

 - Никакой вирус Хейла не волнует, он ведь отлично знает, что происходит с ТРАНСТЕКСТОМ. Но Чатрукьян стоял на. - Зараженный файл существует, сэр. Но он прошел Сквозь строй.

Может быть, можно взглянуть? - Он встал и начал обходить круг терминалов, двигаясь по направлению к. Сьюзан понимала, что сегодня любопытство Хейла может привести к большим неприятностям, поэтому быстро приняла решение. - Это диагностика, - сказала она, взяв на вооружение версию коммандера.

ORG FROM: ETDOSHISHA. EDU МЕНЯЮЩИЙСЯ ОТКРЫТЫЙ ТЕКСТ ДЕЙСТВУЕТ. ВСЯ ХИТРОСТЬ В МЕНЯЮЩЕЙСЯ ПОСЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬНОСТИ. В это трудно было поверить, но она видела эти строки своими глазами. Электронная почта от Энсея Танкадо, адресованная Грегу Хейлу.

Хейл в шоке отпрянул, поняв, что она не шутит: Сьюзан Флетчер никогда еще до него не дотрагивалась, даже руки не коснулась. Правда, это было не то прикосновение, какое он рисовал в воображении, представляя себе их первый физический контакт, но все же… Хейл долго с изумлением смотрел на нее, затем медленно повернулся и направился к своему терминалу. Одно ему было абсолютно ясно: распрекрасная Сьюзан Флетчер бьется над чем-то очень важным, и можно поклясться, что это никакая не диагностика. ГЛАВА 28 Сеньор Ролдан восседал за своим столом в агентстве сопровождения Белена, чрезвычайно довольный тем, как умело обошел глупую полицейскую ловушку. Немецкий акцент и просьба снять девушку на ночь - это же очевидная подстава.

Чрезвычайная ситуация. Она не помнила, чтобы это слово срывалось когда-нибудь с губ коммандера Стратмора. Чрезвычайная. В шифровалке.

Как и все другие крупные базы данных - от страховых компаний до университетов, - хранилище АНБ постоянно подвергалось атакам компьютерных хакеров, пытающих проникнуть в эту святая святых. Но система безопасности АНБ была лучшей в мире. Никому даже близко не удалось подойти к базе АНБ, и у агентства не было оснований полагать, что это когда-нибудь случится в будущем. Вернувшись в лабораторию, Чатрукьян никак не мог решить, должен ли он идти домой.

 - Он засмеялся.  - Супружеская пара без секретов - это очень скучно.

У нас много денег - какая разница, кто из нас их получает. Но это была чужая епархия. В конце концов ей пришлось смириться.

 Какой-то турист. - Вы уверены. - Туризм - моя профессия! - отрезал Клушар.  - Я их сразу узнаю. Он гулял в парке с подружкой.

 И что. - Какое вам дело? - холодно произнес американец.  - Когда мистер Беккер найдет ключ, он будет вознагражден сполна. ГЛАВА 22 Дэвид Беккер быстро подошел к койке и посмотрел на спящего старика.

В шифровалке.

1 Response
  1. Josephe P.

    Weber began by noting the statistical correlation in Germany between interest and success in capitalist ventures on the one hand and Protestant background….

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